The March 30 spa day was a big success!
Seven  little girls were treated to a giggly fun day of oatmeal mask, Mani/Pedis. They enjoyed rich yummy red velvet cookies, peanut butter and jelly mini sandwiches and fruit salad.
All the girls took home a gift bag with filled with hygiene supplies and some Easter goodies.
The girls were also given some Jewelry from brooklynjewelgasm.com
Thank you Rosalyn Chatman and Irma Barrios
Thank you  Ericka for the Jewelry
photos coming soon!

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Welcome to Red Hook ?????? Bengamin Grant Explains.

Change is constant in modern city life. So what do we mean by "gentrification?" How does it happen? Who wins and who loses? What comes next? Writer and urbanist Benjamin Grant explains. POINT OF VIEW Beyond Gentrification INTERACTIVE MAPS A Tale of Three Cities Flag Wars tells the story of what happened to the Olde Towne East community in Columbus, Ohio when the neighborhood went through the process of gentrification in the mid-to-late 1990s. For much of the twentieth century, urbanists, policymakers, and activists were preoccupied with inner city decline across the United States, as people with money and options fled cities for the suburbs. But widespread reports of the American city's demise proved premature. Beginning in the 1970s, urban life slowly began to regain prestige, particularly among artists and the highly educated. By the turn of this century, many cities were thriving again, and their desirability among the wealthy and upwardly mobile was putting intense pressure on rents, real estate prices, and low-income communities. What is Gentrification? Gentrification is a general term for the arrival of wealthier people in an existing urban district, a related increase in rents and property values, and changes in the district's character and culture. The term is often used negatively, suggesting the displacement of poor communities by rich outsiders. But the effects of gentrification are complex and contradictory, and its real impact varies. Many aspects of the gentrification process are desirable. Who wouldn't want to see reduced crime, new investment in buildings and infrastructure, and increased economic activity in their neighborhoods? Unfortunately, the benefits of these changes are often enjoyed disproportionately by the new arrivals, while the established residents find themselves economically and socially marginalized. Gentrification has been the cause of painful conflict in many American cities, often along racial and economic fault lines. Neighborhood change is often viewed as a miscarriage of social justice, in which wealthy, usually white, newcomers are congratulated for "improving" a neighborhood whose poor, minority residents are displaced by skyrocketing rents and economic change. Although there is not a clear-cut technical definition of gentrification, it is characterized by several changes. Demographics: An increase in median income, a decline in the proportion of racial minorities, and a reduction in household size, as low-income families are replaced by young singles and couples. Real Estate Markets: Large increases in rents and home prices, increases in the number of evictions, conversion of rental units to ownership (condos) and new development of luxury housing. Land Use: A decline in industrial uses, an increase in office or multimedia uses, the development of live-work "lofts" and high-end housing, retail, and restaurants. Culture and Character: New ideas about what is desirable and attractive, including standards (either informal or legal) for architecture, landscaping, public behavior, noise, and nuisance. How does it happen? America's renewed interest in city life has put a premium on urban neighborhoods, few of which have been built since World War II. If people are flocking to new jobs in a region where housing is scarce, pressure builds on areas once considered undesirable. Gentrification tends to occur in districts with particular qualities that make them desirable and ripe for change. The convenience, diversity, and vitality of urban neighborhoods are major draws, as is the availability of cheap housing, especially if the buildings are distinctive and appealing. Old houses or industrial buildings often attract people looking for "fixer-uppers" as investment opportunities. Gentrification works by accretion — gathering momentum like a snowball. Few people are willing to move into an unfamiliar neighborhood across class and racial lines¹. Once a few familiar faces are present, more people are willing to make the move. Word travels that an attractive neighborhood has been "discovered" and the pace of change accelerates rapidly. Consequences of Gentrification In certain respects, a neighborhood that is gentrified can become a "victim of its own success." The upward spiral of desirability and increasing rents and property values often erodes the very qualities that began attracting new people in the first place. When success comes to a neighborhood, it does not always come to its established residents, and the displacement of that community is gentrification's most troubling effect. No one is more vulnerable to the effects of gentrification than renters. When prices go up, tenants are pushed out, whether through natural turnover, rent hikes, or evictions. When buildings are sold, buyers often evict the existing tenants to move in themselves, combine several units, or bring in new tenants at a higher rate. When residents own their homes, they are less vulnerable, and may opt to "cash them in" and move elsewhere. Their options may be limited if there is a regional housing shortage, however, and cash does not always compensate for less tangible losses. The economic effects of gentrification vary widely, but the arrival of new investment, new spending power, and a new tax base usually result in significant increased economic activity. Rehabilitation, housing development, new shops and restaurants, and new, higher-wage jobs are often part of the picture. Previous residents may benefit from some of this development, particularly in the form of service sector and construction jobs, but much of it may be out of reach to all but the well-educated newcomers. Some local economic activity may also be forced out — either by rising rents or shifting sensibilities. Industrial activities that employ local workers may be viewed as a nuisance or environmental hazard by new arrivals. Local shops may lose their leases under pressure from posh boutiques and restaurants. Physical changes also accompany gentrification. Older buildings are rehabilitated and new construction occurs. Public improvements — to streets, parks, and infrastructure — may accompany government revitalization efforts or occur as new residents organize to demand public services. New arrivals often push hard to improve the district aesthetically, and may codify new standards through design guidelines, historic preservation legislation, and the use of blight and nuisance laws. The social, economic, and physical impacts of gentrification often result in serious political conflict, exacerbated by differences in race, class, and culture. Earlier residents may feel embattled, ignored, and excluded from their own communities. New arrivals are often mystified by accusations that their efforts to improve local conditions are perceived as hostile or even racist. Change — in fortunes, in populations, in the physical fabric of communities — is an abiding feature of urban life. But change nearly always involves winners and losers, and low-income people are rarely the winners. The effects of gentrification vary widely with the particular local circumstances. Residents, community development corporations, and city governments across the country are struggling to manage these inevitable changes to create a win-win situation for everyone involved. Benjamin Grant is an urban designer, city planner and writer in the San Francisco Bay Area. Top of Page   Read more about reverse migration in this Christian Science Monitor article. Read about the accelerating pace of change in this Time Out article. ¹ Those that do are sometimes called "urban pioneers," and some have pointedly extended the analogy, likening the fate of existing communities to that of Native Americans. Find out more about this struggle in our managing growth roundtable. » Share your thoughts about gentrification with other viewers orask filmmakers Linda Goode Bryant and Laura Poitras a question.
		P.O.V. > Flag Wars: Flag Wars Update | Special Features | Behind the Lens | Talking Back | Resources |For Educators | About the Film

Everybody's normal til you get to know them

	Enter zip code: Your Christian Bookstore for Bibles, books, music & more! BIBLES   BOOKS   MUSIC   ENTERTAINMENT   ACCOMPANIMENT   GIFTS   DIGITAL MUSIC   SOFTWARE   CHURCH SUPPLIES SHOPPING CART   |   CUSTOMER SERVICE SEARCH     BROWSE ALL
	Prices valid online only Certified Secure Site Everybody's Normal Till You Get to Know Them (Hardback) Ortberg, John (Author) ONLINE PRICE: $16.71 Retail Price: $18.99 You Save: $2.28 (12%) Bulk Discount: $15.19 Qualifies for FREE Bargain Shipping OTHER FORMATS Compact Disc: $21.99 Normal? Who’s Normal? Not you, that’s for sure! No one you’ve ever met, either. None of us are normal according to God’s definition, and the closer we get to each other, the plainer that becomes. Yet for all our quirks, sins, and jagged edges, we need each other. Community is more than just a word—it is one of our most fundamental requirements. So how do flawed, abnormal people such as ourselves master the forces that can drive us apart and come together in the life-changing relationships God designed us for? In Everybody’s Normal Till You Get to Know Them, teacher and best-selling author John Ortberg zooms in on the things that make community tick. You’ll get a thought-provoking look at God’s heart, at others, and at yourself. Even better, you’ll gain wisdom and tools for drawing closer to others in powerful, impactful ways. With humor, insight, and a gift for storytelling, Ortberg shows how community pays tremendous dividends in happiness, health, support, and growth. It’s where all of us weird, unwieldy people encounter God’s love in tangible ways and discover the transforming power of being loved, accepted, and valued just the way we are. The need for community is woven into the very fabric of our being. Nothing else can substitute for the life-giving benefits of connecting with others—not even God. He won’t preempt the way he himself has designed us to reflect his own intensely relational nature. But there’s a hitch in our experience of community, says John Ortberg: We’re all weird. Folks around us may seem normal enough, but just wait till we get to know them—and they get to know us. The unhealthy, sinful ways we respond to life in a fallen world are hardly God’s idea of “normal,” and they can make us as unhuggable as porcupines. We face the “porcupine dilemma,” says Ortberg: We need each other, but how do we get close without getting hurt? How do we get past all those quills and grow together in Christ? In Everybody’s Normal Till You Get to Know Them, Ortberg once again reveals his gift for sharing profound insights using a lighten-up approach. With winsome humor and a fondness for well-spun stories, he pops the myth of normalcy and hands us the keys to creating and sustaining relationships. “God’s dream for community encompasses the redemption of all spheres of life,” he says. Who doesn’t want like to be liked, to be wanted, to have solid, satisfying friendships! Ortberg shows what such relationships are made of. He reveals the benefits of authenticity—what it means to live with an “unveiled face,” as the Bible puts it. He encourages us to trade the stones it’s so easy to cast at others for acceptance. He opens our eyes and heart to empathy, the art of reading people. And he takes us through the ins and outs of conflict, forgiveness, confrontation, inclusion, and gratitude. The principles and discussion questions in this book are down-to-earth. They’re for real people living in a real world, and are intended to help us count the practical cost of relationship and then pay it—because in all the rewards and struggles of community, we’re investing in something beyond our comprehension. You could call it heaven. You could call it home. It’s the place where all of us are headed, all of us belong, and all of us will be normal at last.

A make believe Maverick

Oct 11, 2008 2:38 AM
Subject:	Make-​Belie​ve Maver​ick
Body:	From Rolli​ng Stone​ A close​r look at the life and caree​r of John McCai​n revea​ls a distu​rbing​ recor​d of reckl​essne​ss and disho​nesty​.​ Read the full story​ At Fort McNai​r,​ an army base locat​ed along​ the Potom​ac River​ in the natio​n'​s capit​al,​ a chanc​e reuni​on takes​ place​ one day betwe​en two forme​r POWs.​ It's the sprin​g of 1974,​ and Navy comma​nder John Sidne​y McCai​n III has retur​ned home from the exper​ience​ in Hanoi​ that,​ accor​ding to legen​d,​ trans​forme​d him from a callo​w and reckl​ess youth​ into a serio​us man of patri​otism​ and purpo​se.​ Walki​ng along​ the groun​ds at Fort McNai​r,​ McCai​n runs into John Drame​si,​ an Air Force​ lieut​enant​ colon​el who was also impri​soned​ and tortu​red in Vietn​am.​ McCai​n is study​ing at the Natio​nal War Colle​ge,​ a prest​igiou​s gradu​ate progr​am he had to pull strin​gs with the Secre​tary of the Navy to get into.​ Drame​si is enrol​led,​ on his own merit​,​ at the Indus​trial​ Colle​ge of the Armed​ Force​s in the build​ing next door.​ There​'​s a dista​nce betwe​en the two men that belie​s their​ share​d exper​ience​ in North​ Vietn​am — call it an honor​ gap. Like many Ameri​can POWs,​ McCai​n broke​ down under​ tortu​re and offer​ed a "​confe​ssion​"​ to his North​ Vietn​amese​ capto​rs.​ Drame​si,​ in contr​ast,​ attem​pted two darin​g escap​es.​ For the secon​d he was bruta​lized​ for a month​ with daily​ tortu​re sessi​ons that nearl​y kille​d him. His partn​er in the escap​e,​ Lt. Col. Ed Atter​berry​,​ didn'​t survi​ve the mistr​eatme​nt.​ But Drame​si never​ said a dislo​yal word,​ and for his heroi​sm was award​ed two Air Force​ Cross​es,​ one of the servi​ce'​s highe​st disti​nctio​ns.​ McCai​n would​ later​ hail him as "one of the tough​est guys I've ever met." On the groun​ds betwe​en the two brick​ colle​ges,​ the chitc​hat betwe​en the scion​ of four-​star admir​als and the son of a prize​fight​er turns​ to their​ acade​mic trave​ls;​ both colle​ges spons​or a trip abroa​d for young​ offic​ers to netwo​rk with milit​ary and polit​ical leade​rs in a dista​nt corne​r of the globe​.​ "I'm going​ to the Middl​e East,​"​ Drame​si says.​ "​Turke​y,​ Kuwai​t,​ Leban​on,​ Iran.​" "Why are you going​ to the Middl​e East?​"​ McCai​n asks,​ dismi​ssive​ly.​ "​It'​s a place​ we'​re proba​bly going​ to have some probl​ems,​"​ Drame​si says.​ "​Why?​ Where​ are you going​ to, John?​"​ "Oh, I'm going​ to Rio." "​What the hell are you going​ to Rio for?​"​ McCai​n,​ a marri​ed fathe​r of three​,​ shrug​s.​ "I got a bette​r chanc​e of getti​ng laid.​" Drame​si,​ who went on to serve​ as chief​ war plann​er for U.S. Air Force​s in Europ​e and comma​nder of a wing of the Strat​egic Air Comma​nd,​ was not surpr​ised.​ "​McCai​n says his life chang​ed while​ he was in Vietn​am,​ and he is now a diffe​rent man,​"​ Drame​si says today​.​ "But he's still​ the undis​cipli​ned,​ spoil​ed brat that he was when he went in." McCAI​N FIRST​ This is the story​ of the real John McCai​n,​ the one who has been hidin​g in plain​ sight​.​ It is the story​ of a man who has consi​stent​ly put his own advan​cemen​t above​ all else,​ a man willi​ng to say and do anyth​ing to achie​ve his ultim​ate ambit​ion:​ to becom​e comma​nder in chief​,​ ascen​ding to the one posit​ion that would​ final​ly enabl​e him to outra​nk his four-​star fathe​r and grand​fathe​r.​ In its broad​ strok​es,​ McCai​n'​s life story​ is oddly​ simil​ar to that of the curre​nt occup​ant of the White​ House​.​ John Sidne​y McCai​n III and Georg​e Walke​r Bush both repre​sent the third​ gener​ation​ of Ameri​can dynas​ties.​ Both were born into posit​ions of privi​lege again​st which​ they rebel​led into medio​crity​.​ Both devel​oped an uncan​ny socia​l intel​ligen​ce that allow​ed them to skate​ by with a minim​um of menta​l exert​ion.​ Both strug​gled with booze​ and louti​sh behav​ior.​ At each step,​ with the aid of their​ fathe​rs'​ power​ful frien​ds,​ both faile​d upwar​d.​ And both shed their​ skins​ as Episc​opali​an membe​rs of the Washi​ngton​ elite​ to build​ polit​ical caree​rs as self-​style​d,​ ranch​-​inhab​iting​ Weste​rners​ who pray to Jesus​ in their​ wives​'​ evang​elica​l churc​hes.​ In one vital​ respe​ct,​ howev​er,​ the compa​rison​ is deepl​y unfai​r to the curre​nt presi​dent:​ Georg​e W. Bush was a much bette​r pilot​.​

Talk about not trusting Senator Obama., Hmmmmmmmm????

Alaska inquiry finding: Palin abused power

By MATT APUZZO, Associated Press Writer1 minute ago

ANCHORAGE, Alaska - Sarah Palin unlawfully abused her power as governor by trying to have her former brother-in-law fired as a state trooper, the chief investigator of an Alaska legislative panel concluded Friday. The politically charged inquiry imperiled her reputation as a reformer on John McCain's Republican ticket.

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Investigator Stephen Branchflower, in a report by a bipartisan panel that investigated the matter, found Palin in violation of a state ethics law that prohibits public officials from using their office for personal gain.

The inquiry looked into her dismissal of Public Safety CommissionerWalter Monegan, who said he lost his job because he resisted pressure to fire a state trooper involved in a bitter divorce with the governor's sister. Palin says Monegan was fired as part of a legitimate budget dispute.

The report found that Palin let the family grudge influence her decision-making even if it was not the sole reason Monegan was dismissed. "I feel vindicated," Monegan said. "It sounds like they've validated my belief and opinions. And that tells me I'm not totally out in left field."

Branchflower said Palin violated a statute of the Alaska Executive Branch Ethics Act.

"I disagree," said Palin attorney Thomas Van Flein. "In order to violate the ethics law, there has to be some personal gain, usually financial. Mr. Branchflower has failed to identify any financial gain."

The statute says "any effort to benefit a personal or financial interest through official action is a violation of that (public) trust."

Palin and McCain's supporters had hoped the inquiry's finding would be delayed until after the presidential election to spare her any embarrassment and to put aside an enduring distraction as she campaigns as McCain's running mate in an uphill contest against Democrat Barack Obama.

But the panel of lawmakers voted to release the report, although not without dissension. There was no immediate vote on whether to endorse its findings.

"I think there are some problems in this report," said Republican state Sen. Gary Stevens, a member of the panel. "I would encourage people to be very cautious, to look at this with a jaundiced eye."

The nearly 300-page report does not recommend sanctions or a criminal investigation.

The investigation revealed that Palin's husband, Todd, has extraordinary access to the governor's office and her closest advisers. He used that access to try to get trooper Mike Wooten fired, the report found.

Branchflower faulted Sarah Palin for taking no action to stop that. He also noted there is evidence the governor herself participated in the effort.

Wooten had been in hot water before Palin became governor over allegations that he illegally shot a moose, drank beer in a patrol car and used a Taser on his stepson.

In proceedings revealed by the report, former Alaska State Trooper Col. Julia Grimes told investigators that Sarah Palin called her in late 2005 to discuss why Wooten hadn't been fired, and Grimes told her the inquiry was confidential by law.

"Her questions were how can a trooper who behaves this way still be working," Grimes said. "I asked her to please trust me, that because I can't tell her details I would ask her to please trust me that I would take the appropriate action if and when I knew what the findings were. ... I couldn't have another conversation with her about it because, again, it's protected by law."

Grimes said Todd Palin also contacted her by telephone in late 2005 to discuss the confidential investigation of Wooten.

Wooten's disciplinary case was settled in September 2006 — months before Palin was elected governor — and he was allowed to continue working as a trooper.

After Palin's election, her new public safety commissioner, Monegan, said he was summoned to the governor's office to meet Todd Palin, who said Wooten's punishment had been merely a "slap on the wrist." Monegan said he understood the Palins wanted Wooten fired. "I had this kind of ominous feeling that I may not be long for this job if I didn't somehow respond accordingly," Monegan told the investigator.

For months afterward, Todd Palin filed complaints about Wooten, saying he was seen riding a snowmobile after he had filed a worker's compensation claim and was seen dropping off his children at school in his patrol car. Monegan said Wooten's doctor had authorized the snowmobile trip and his supervisor had approved his use of the patrol car. Monegan said Alaska's attorney general later called him to inquire about Wooten, and Monegan told him they shouldn't be discussing the subject.

"This was an issue that apparently wasn't going to go away, that there were certainly frustrations," Monegan said. "To say that (Sarah Palin) was focused on this I think would be accurate."